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Images, UC QuakeStudies

A photograph of the photocopy template for the Christchurch City Council's yellow sticker. The sticker was used by the Civil Defence after the 2010 and 2011 earthquakes to indicate that a building had been inspected and that structural damage or other safety hazards had been found. The sticker states that there should be no entry to the building, 'except on essential business'. It also states that 'earthquake aftershocks present danger' and that people who enter must do so at their own risk.

Images, UC QuakeStudies

A photograph of a Christchurch City Council red sticker. The sticker was used by the Civil Defence after the 2010 and 2011 earthquakes to indicate that a building had been inspected and that serious structural damage had been found. The sticker states that there should be no entry to the building. It also states that 'entry may result in death or injury'.

Images, UC QuakeStudies

A photograph submitted by Sarndra to the QuakeStories website. The description reads, "How’s that?! A portaloo that matches the house :o) ... Opawa, April 2011.".

Research papers, The University of Auckland Library

What does it mean to “be in a mood” at school? This question guides this thesis, which analyses the relationship between young people’s experiences of moods and the discourses and pedagogies of moods they encounter at school. The emotions and moods of young people in Christchurch, New Zealand, have, in recent years, come under considerable scrutiny. A national decline in rates of youth mental health and concern over the lasting psychological effects of the 2010-2011 Christchurch Earthquakes have justified increased attention to and funding for youth mental health promotion and school-based mental health education programs. Drawing on a year-long school ethnography at a public girl’s high school in Christchurch with 22 Year 10 students (age 14-15), this thesis examines how young people interact with state and psychiatric discourses of youth and mental health. It explores how young people integrate and transform these discourses in their experiences and knowledges of moods as they relate to mental health, education, friendships, and the (in)stability of the self in time. Additionally, this thesis proposes an anthropological reconsideration of moods. Developing insights from phenomenological and medical anthropology and bringing them into conversation with ethnographic analysis, the approach to moods in this thesis sees two necessarily interconnected ways in which moods become significant for understanding subjectivity and contemporary society. On the one hand, moods are an integral dimension of phenomenological experience in which it is possible to dwell in affective ambiguities, producing open-ended horizons of experience. On the other hand, young people’s experience of moods is refracted through moods’ medicalised formulation as experience that can be bounded, taxonomized, transformed into kinds of knowledge about the self, and thus acted on in distinct and morally situated ways. Attending to the experience of “being in a mood” at school reveals how medical and psychiatric knowledges are woven into moral experience in the everyday. This moral experience of moods has critical implications for how young people in New Zealand today situate the self in relationships, in the world, and in time, and therefore is particularly revealing for developing anthropological understandings of teenage subjectivity

Articles, UC QuakeStudies

A plan which identifies items that will define value for the programme of work and explain processes that will measure the achievement of value outcomes. The first version of this plan was produced on 6 September 2011.

Images, UC QuakeStudies

Damage to a house in Richmond. The foundation is all that remains of one room, and the exposed interior wall has been covered with builders' paper for protection. Weeds grow between cracks in the concrete patio. The photographer comments, "Revisiting our abandoned house. Cracked patio. The wooden floor is all that remains of a sunny living space with bifold doors, opening the house to the garden. This was so broken on 4/9/10 that it was immediately demolished".

Images, UC QuakeStudies

A poster created by Empowered Christchurch to advertise their submission to the CERA Draft Transition Recovery Plan on social media.The poster reads, "Submission. CERA Draft Transition Recovery Plan. 5. In your opinion, is there a better way to report on these recovery issues? Looking at the recovery from the perspective of the eastern suburbs, it is impossible to avoid thinking of phenomenon referred to as 'Disaster Capitalism' and considering the aspects that have already become evident in the recovery process. Loss of equity and quality of life, risk transfer and other substantial shifts are taking place. We suggest that a regular mini-census should be conducted through the remainder of the recovery at intervals of 6-12 months to monitor deprivation, insurance cover (or lack of it), mortgage, home equity, and rental status. If unexpected changes identified, investigation and correction measures should be implemented. We need a city that is driven by the people that live in it, and enabled by a bureaucracy that accepts and mitigates risks, rather than transferring them to the most vulnerable residents ."

Images, UC QuakeStudies

A poster created by Empowered Christchurch to advertise their submission to the CERA Draft Transition Recovery Plan on social media.The poster reads, "Submission. CERA Draft Transition Recovery Plan. 5. In your opinion, is there a better way to report on these recovery issues? We believe that, as regards residential recovery, monitoring should extend to code compliance certificates. According to figures published in 2014, only factions of repairs/rebuilds are completed with the issue of a code compliance certificate. To conclude the work to the required standard, someone must pay for the code compliance. Leaving things as they are could have serious negative consequences for the recovery and for the city as a whole. We suggest an investigation of number of outstanding code compliance certificates and that responsible parties are made to address this outstanding work. We need a city that is driven by the people that live in it, and enabled by a bureaucracy that accepts and mitigates risks, rather than transferring them to the most vulnerable residents."

Images, UC QuakeStudies

The driveway of a section on Galbraith Avenue in Avonside that has been cracked by the 4 September 2010 earthquake. Behind it is one of the septic tanks that were installed in front of Avonside properties to allow residents to use their toilets after the earthquake.

Images, UC QuakeStudies

St John's Presbyterian Church on Winchester Street in Lyttelton. The ground around the church is strewn with masonry that has fallen from the church's walls and collapsed tower. The building's front door has been red-stickered and a sign that reads "No entry" is stuck to it.

Research papers, Lincoln University

Successful urban regeneration projects generate benefits that are realised over a much longer timeframe than normal market developments and benefits well beyond those that can be uplifted by a market developer. Consequently there is substantial evidence in the literature that successful place-making and urban regeneration projects are usually public-private partnerships and involve a funder, usually local or central government, willing to contribute ‘patient’ capital. Following the 2010 and 2011 earthquakes that devastated the centre of Christchurch, there was an urgent need to rebuild and revitalise the heart of the city, and increasing the number of people living in or near the city centre was seen as a key ingredient of that. In October 2010, an international competition was launched to design and build an Urban Village, a project intended to stimulate renewed residential development in the city. The competition attracted 58 entrants from around world, and in October 2013 the winning team was chosen from four finalists. However the team failed to secure sufficient finance, and in November 2015 the Government announced that the development would not proceed. The Government was unwilling or unable to recognise that an insistence on a pure market approach would not deliver the innovative sustainable village asked for in the competition brief, and failed to factor in the opportunity cost to government, local government, local businesses and the wider Christchurch community of delaying by many years the residential development of the eastern side of the city. As a result, the early vision of the vitality that a thriving residential neighbourhood would bring to the city has not yet been realised.