A man takes a photograph over the top of the cordon fence by the viewing windows into the Red Zone at the east end of the Re:Start mall.
A man takes a photograph over the top of the cordon fence by the viewing windows into the Red Zone at the east end of the Re:Start mall.
An entry from Deb Robertson's blog for 3 February 2013 entitled, "This and that...".
A photograph of the house at 428 Oxford Terrace. Plywood has been placed over the door. The house number has been spray-painted on the plywood.
An aerial photograph looking south west over the Christchurch CBD with the Avon River visible to the left and Hagley Park in the distance.
A photograph captioned by BeckerFraserPhotos, "The City Council building looked rather spectacular on this late autumn day".
Two cardboard coffee cups in a takeaway tray sit on a wooden counter. The photographer comments, "What is the story of these coffees and that sad muffin? Were these an order when the earthquake struck Christchurch on 22 February 2011? Were these a workman's and a colleague's having a quick coffee break when a later aftershock caused them to leave everything behind when they fled the red zoned building, or were they just forgotten when the building was cleared out and abandoned?".
Awaiting demolition. Blue pipes are water supply to anyone still living on Hulverstone Drive.
Across the river were a row of several houses - all gone now. That side of the river is "Red Zone" and will be devoid of houses soon. #4077
During 2010 and 2011, a series of major earthquakes caused widespread damage in the city of Christchurch, New Zealand. The magnitude 6.3 quake in February 2011 caused 185 fatalities. In the ensuing months, the government progressively zoned residential land in Christchurch on the basis of its suitability for future occupation (considering damage from these quakes and future earthquake risk). Over 6,000 homes were placed in the ‘red-zone’, meaning that property owners were forced to sell their land to the Crown. This study analysed patterns of residential mobility amongst thirty-one red-zone households from the suburb of Southshore, Christchurch. Drawing on interviews and surveys, the research traced their experience from the zoning announcement until they had moved to a new residence. The research distinguished between short (before the zoning announcement) and long term (post the red zone ‘deadline’) forms of household relocation. The majority of households in the study were highly resistant to short term movement. Amongst those which did relocate before the zoning decision, the desire to maintain a valued social connection with a person outside of the earthquake environment was often an important factor. Some households also moved out of perceived necessity (e.g. due to lack of power or water). In terms of long-term relocation, concepts of affordability and safety were much more highly valued by the sample when purchasing post-quake property. This resulted in a distinct patterning of post-quake housing location choices. Perceived control over the moving process, relationship with government organisations and insurance companies, and time spent in the red-zone before moving all heavily influenced participants’ disaster experience. Contrary to previous studies, households in this study recorded higher levels of subjective well-being after relocating. The study proposed a typology of movers in the Christchurch post-disaster environment. Four mobility behaviours, or types, are identified: the Committed Stayers (CSs), the Environment Re-Creators (ERCs), the Resigned Acceptors (RAs), and the Opportunistic Movers (OMs). The CSs were defined by their immobility rather than their relocation aspirations, whilst the ERCs attempted to recreate or retain aspects of Southshore through their mobility. The RAs expressed a form of apathy towards the post-quake environment, whereas, on the other hand, the OMs moved relative to pre-earthquake plans, or opportunities that arose from the earthquake itself. Possibilities for further research include examining household adaptability to new residential environments and tracking further mobility patterns in the years following relocation from the red- zone.
An entry from Ruth Gardner's blog for 13 March 2013 entitled, "Time for Tourists".
A photograph of an excavator demolishing Siobhan Murphy's house at 436 Oxford Terrace.
A photograph looking down the Avon River to the house at 2 Bangor Street.
Looking north up Colombo Street from the Red Zone viewing area at the east end of Re:Start mall. The partially-demolished ANZ building can be seen in the background.
A photograph of the house at 2 Bangor Street, taken from across the Avon River.
One of the new directions signs at key points around the edge of the cordon, which show a map of the Red Zone and walking times and directions to various landmarks.
A copy of the CanCERN online newsletter published on 5 July 2013
A copy of the CanCERN online newsletter published on 1 March 2013
An entry from Roz Johnson's blog for 2 December 2013 entitled, "Walking Through the CBD".
A copy of the CanCERN online newsletter published on 18 January 2013
A story submitted by Lynne Ball to the QuakeStories website.
A photograph of an architectural detail above a window of Donna Allfrey's house at 406 Oxford Terrace.
A photograph taken inside Robin Duff's house at 386 Oxford Terrace. Broken furniture and rubbish litter the ground.
A photograph taken inside Robin Duff's house at 386 Oxford Terrace. Broken furniture and rubbish litter the ground.
A copy of the CanCERN online newsletter published on 7 June 2013
A copy of the CanCERN online newsletter published on 30 August 2013
A copy of the CanCERN online newsletter published on 9 August 2013
A copy of the CanCERN online newsletter published on 26 April 2013
A copy of the CanCERN online newsletter published on 26 July 2013
A copy of the CanCERN online newsletter published on 12 April 2013